Risk perception and impact on attitudes
Research that has been directed towards understanding public perceptions
associated with potential food hazards have largely, but not exclusively, focused
on issues associated with risk and benefit. How the public defines risk and
benefit, and how the experts define the same issues, may be very different. This
is not to say that non-experts should be viewed as irrational, but rather that
public views should inform the debate about the strategic development of
genetic modification. Research has demonstrated that risk perception is ‘socially
constructed’ – that is, the way that people psychologically represent risks is a
more important determinant of the way in which people react to risks relative to
probabilistic risk assessments. Risk perception research has demonstrated that
risks which are perceived as involuntary and unnatural are viewed as more
threatening than those over which people perceive they have a choice, even if
the probability of occurrence of the involuntary risk is very low (Slovic, 1993).
Furthermore, specific concerns may be linked with particular hazards. For
example, genetic modification of foods is associated with beliefs that the
technology is ethically wrong, and representative of ‘tampering with nature’,
that the long-term impact is unknown or unforeseen, (particularly with respect to
effects on future generations), and that people have no choice over whether or
not to consume them (Miles and Frewer, 2001).
That attitudes influence people’s behaviours regarding their choices about
whether or not to eat genetically modified products can be demonstrated by
reference to real-world events. Public concerns about involuntary exposure to
potential hazards are demonstrated by their reactions to situations where
genetically modified ingredients are introduced into the marketplace without
labelling and tracebility mechanisms. The removal of consumer choice is a key
driver of consumer negativity towards genetically modified foods.
Genetically modified soya developed by Monsanto was not labelled when it
was first imported into Europe from the United States. As a result, European
consumers perceived that they had little choice about whether to consume
genetically modified foods, creating problems for the European industry through
heightened consumer concern and distrust in manufacturers and regulatory
institutions. In addition, failure to label genetically modified ingredients resulted
in perceptions of mistrust associated with industry, as the public assumed that
failure to label indicated that the real risks were being hidden in order to
promote a vested interest. Finally, the European public perceived that the
benefits of genetically modified Soya accrued to American producers and to
industry, but that European consumers experienced the risks. Combining all
these factors, it is not surprising that acceptance of genetically modified Soya by
the European public was so low. In contrast, the public accepted tomato paste produced by Zeneca, introduced to the British consumer a year earlier. This was
because the product was clearly labelled as genetically modified, had a tangible
consumer benefit, (reduced cost) and was consumed on a voluntary basis by the
public.